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Fake News Week: Government & Mainstream Media’s ‘Wag the Dog’ War on Reality

Sunday, February 12, 2017 1:55
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FAKE NEWS WEEK: Government & Mainstream Media’s ‘Wag the Dog’ War on Reality

FEBRUARY 11, 2017 BY SHAWN HELTON 

1 BANNER - Fake News Week
In response to the establishment media’s contrived ‘fake news’ crisis designed to marginalise independent and alternative media sources of news and analysis, 21WIRE is running its own #FakeNewsWeek campaign, where each day our editorial team at 21st Century Wire will feature media critiques and analysis of mainstream corporate media coverage of current events – exposing the government and the mainstream media as the real purveyors of ‘fake news’ throughout modern history…

MEDIA-DECEPTION-21WIRE-SLIDER-SH-2017-NEW-3
The Proverbial Pandora’s Box (Photo illustration by 21WIRE’s Shawn Helton)

Shawn Helton
21st Century Wire 

When analyzing the fear-based odyssey of today’s War On Terror era in America and in Europe, we see that the public has been subjected to highly sensationalized tragedy, false and misleading wartime agitprop and a ‘Wag the Dog’ reality that has deflected the true nature of organized criminality the world over.

The purpose of this article is to illustrate how three rather large mainstream media lies were used as a pretext for war in the Middle East, three aspects that have separately, albeit symbiotically, altered the course of Western foreign policy by way of deception, and dramatically paved the way to destabilization in Iraq, and later to Libya, and finally to Syria.

Government entities, along with mainstream TV news, print media and PR firms – have all worked hand in hand to heavily influence the public’s political perspective concerning the reality of modern warfare. Let’s take a look a how deliberate fabrication was used to accelerate Western interests in the Middle East…


‘CROCODILE TEARS’ – Nayirah al-Ṣabah falsely claimed human rights abuses before the Congressional Human Rights Caucus in 1990. (Image Source: mintpressnews)

The First Gulf War Psy-op

On October 10th, 1990, 15 year-old Nayirah al-Ṣabah, the daughter of Saud bin Nasir Al-Sabah, (the Kuwaiti ambassador for the United States) provided a tearful testimony in front of the TV cameras, decrying the alleged human rights abuses to the Congressional Human Rights Caucus. The young Kuwaiti teenager claimed to have witnessed Iraqi soldiers taking hundreds of babies out of incubators in a Kuwaiti hospital during the height of the Iraq invasion of Kuwait. Her seemingly gripping testimony later turned out to be completely false.

Still, the seed was already planted. This was the lie that Washington DC and its PR strategists used as the emotional pretext for the First Gulf War in 1990, a precursor to the WMD deception used to invade Iraq over a decade later in 2003.

The gripping testimony provided by ‘Nayirah’ proved to be a clever form of war propaganda following her apparent volunteer efforts at the Al-Adan Hospital in Kuwait under an “assumed name.” Her shocking claims of human rights abuse were at first confirmed by human rights charity Amnesty International, stating that some 312 babies had died (the well-known NGO later retracted those claims), prior to the story being cited at the United Nations by Red Cross affiliated group the Red Crescent in Kuwait.

All told, Nayirah’s sensational story could not stand up to a forensic review after interviews with over a dozen doctors in Kuwait failed to provide any validity to her claims.

A full year after the “Babies in Incubators” story first broke, it was finally revealed that Nayirah was no ordinary Kuwaiti citizen, as she was related the Kuwaiti royal family. Here’s a piece by 60 Minutes discussing the matter:

The true identity of Nayirah first became public after John R MacArthur, publisher of Harper’s Magazine, published in op-ed in the New York Times in January of 1992, five months after the young girl’s dubious claims. It just so happened that MacArthur had been working on a book called Second Front which was about propaganda and the Gulf War when he discovered Nayirah’s family background and multiple connections linked to Democratic Congressman from California, Tom Lantosa, who was co-chairman of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus that heard Nayirah’s story. Here’s a passage from MacArthur’s revealing NY Times article:

“Mr. Lantos says that the fact that Nayirah is the Ambassador’s daughter did not alter her credibility. That doesn’t wash. Had her identity been known, her accusations surely would have faced greater skepticism and been questioned more closely. Mr. Porter isn’t angered that he was misled. But his complacency is far less troubling than Mr. Lantos’s lack of candor and lapse of judgment.

The episode also calls into question the dubious financial dealings of the House caucus system. Unlike Congressional committees, which act on legislation, the caucuses bring together like-minded members to highlight issues like human rights abuses, the environment and minority concerns.

Current rules prohibit the caucuses from accepting private donations or government grants. But the caucuses often have close ties to companion nonprofit “foundations” or “institutes” that attract funds from special interests. Caucus leaders often play a central role in these foundations.

Until recently, for example, Mr. Lantos and Mr. Porter headed the Congressional Human Rights Foundation. It rents space in Hill & Knowlton’s Washington headquarters at a reduced rate. The same Citizens for a Free Kuwait that produced the mysterious Nayirah also gave $50,000 to the foundation sometime after Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. The foundation has financed caucus travel, including trips by Mr. Lantos and his wife.”

The senior Al-Sabah and his daughter Nayirah were involved in the astroturf (aka artificial front group) NGO called Citizens for a Free Kuwait (CFK), who just so happened to be a client of the large Washington-based PR firm Hill & Knowlton. The Kuwaiti-sponsored CFK then came under fire for its prior knowledge of Nayirah and her Kuwaiti-US ambassador father and their role in what was later perceived to be “undisclosed bias” (along with Nayirah’s false testimony) that had been used to convince the US Congress to sell the Persian Gulf war to the public.

Hill & Knowlton was paid $10.5 million from CFK, while CFK received $11.8 million from the State of Kuwait.


‘THE GULF WAR’ – President George HW Bush seen in 1990 with Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney in Kennebunkport, Maine in the lead up to the Persian Gulf War. Image Source: pinterest)

US President George HW Bush then filled the PR echo chamber for Nayirah’s fraudulent story, repeating her claims at least 10 times in the following weeks after the US Congressional hearing at media events. Here is a passage of Nayirah’s scripted testimony that whipped the American public into an emotional frenzy in an attempt to gain support for Kuwait’s humanitarian war against Iraq:

“While I was there I saw the Iraqi soldiers come into the hospital with guns. They took the babies out of the incubators, took the incubators and left the children to die on the cold floor. [crying] It was horrifying.”

Washington’s Blog added the following details concerning the history linking the Bush family to the Kuwaiti royal family and the CIA – some of whom later had ties to the Attacks on September 11, 2001:

“In the 1980s, both men were strongly linked to the Bush family network, to Kuwait, and to aviation. They both ran security companies as well. [Wirt] Walker became close to the Kuwaitis at the same time as their government was working closely with [Ted] Shackley and another CIA operative. Moreover, the people pulling the strings from the Kuwaiti side in those relationships were close relatives of KuwAm chairman Mish’al Al-Sabah.”

It turns out that “Nayirah was a first cousin of KuwAm’s Mish’al Al- Sabah.”

In December 1992, the documentary entitled To Sell A War – Gulf War Propaganda (1992) was aired as part of the CBC program The Fifth Estate. The shocking film uncovered how Nayirah’s discredited claims had been parroted by media and politicians alike in the lead up to the Gulf War:

In January of 2017, an article entitled, ‘Fake News’ Isn’t New: Dissecting Two Decades Of War Propaganda by Mnar Muhawesh published at Mint Press News, collated the woes of western intervention in the Middle East over the past 20 years in the lead up to the highly controversial Syrian conflict we see today:

“The “fog of war” erupts in the confusion caused by the chaos of war. And in the media, it’s an intentional phenomenon that makes it difficult to separate fact from fiction.

While the battles over war narratives evolve, they all have a common goal: to distort reality on the ground.

Such is the case on the crisis in Syria, the new cold war with Russia, and even the buildup for President Bush’s support for Kuwait’s “humanitarian” war against Iraq.”

The deception that boosted public acceptance for the First Gulf War led to another wave of lies in the lead up to the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The Iraq War, just like its predecessor the First Gulf War, was fully aided by reportage by both the media and members of the US government…

The WMD Lie

Former Secretary of State, Colin Powell and the George W Bush administration’s findings were revealed to be a highly coordinated disinformation campaign that led to over half a million deaths in the US-led invasion in Iraq in 2003.

Both the US and UK governments provided detailed briefings and documents supposedly outlining Iraq’s apparent Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) program. In those reports, it was claimed that Iraq had attempted to obfuscate the true nature of their WMD programs. British PM Tony Blair wrote a foreword in a publicly published intelligence report in an effort to plead the case for UK involvement in Iraq without concrete evidence.

In 2013, The National Security Archive a non-profit research and archival institution summarized the failed search for WMD’s in Iraq. Its conclusions were stunning:

The first item is a memo from the State Department’s Near East bureau, provided to incoming Secretary of State Colin Powell at the very outset of the new George W. Bush administration in 2001, outlining the Clinton administration’s policy supporting regime change in Iraq, but through financial and weapons support for internal opposition groups, propaganda efforts, and regional actors rather than direct action by the U.S. military. (The Iraq Liberation Act signed by Bill Clinton on October 31, 1998, codified this policy and committed the U.S. to continuing support for Iraqi opposition groups.)

A bullet-pointed set of notes discussed by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld with Gen. Tommy Franks, head of the U.S. Central Command, in late 2001 shows the Pentagon already diverting focus and energy from the Afghan campaign less than three months after the U.S. and its allies entered that country. An “Eyes Only” British government memo succinctly summarizes the climate leading to war by the summer of 2002: the U.S. saw military action as inevitable; George Bush wanted military action to be justified by linking Iraq to terrorism and WMD; to that end “intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy,” while as to discussion in Washington of the aftermath of invasion, “There was little…”

In 2011, Judge Andrew Napolitano pressed former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld about US ‘intervention’ in Iraq on the now defunct program Freedom Watch…

During the race to the White House in 2016, Donald Trump was routinely pressed on matters concerning the Middle East and his response was surprisingly diplomatic with a non-interventionist platform. Trump’s open condemnation of the Bush Administration for the Iraq War, and the Obama White House for its deceptive war which led to the destruction of Libya – all resonated with voters on both sides of the political spectrum. Trump asserted that 2003’s invasion in Iraq and the blitzkrieg in Libya via NATO members in 2011, was further evidence of a perennial failed US foreign policy over the last decade.

Supposedly liberal and left-wing publications like The Guardian, along with other mainstream outlets, at the time appeared overly sympathetic to Western intervention in Iraq. Truth Out outlined the media fueled push for war:

“In the days and weeks leading up to the invasion of Iraq, corporate media – and even NPR and PBS – were abuzz with the talking points of the Bush Administration, echoing claims that Iraq had its hands on “yellow cake uranium” and that it had a massive arsenal of “weapons of mass destruction.”

Thanks to the media’s repeated claims that Iraq and Saddam Hussein were immediate threats to our nation, in the weeks leading up to the invasion, nearly three-quarters of Americans believed the lie promoted by Donald Rumsfeld that Saddam Hussein was somehow involved in the attacks of 9/11.”

An article entitled, “The Lie of the 21st Century: How Mainstream Media “Fake News” Led to the U.S. Invasion of Iraq,” republished at Global Research added the following behind the scenes details crucial to the US led invasion in Iraq:

“The U.S. led war turned out to be a calculated plan by The Project for the New American Century (PNAC), a neo-conservative think-tank who wrote the secretive blueprint called ‘Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategies, Forces And Resources For A New Century’ to remove Saddam Hussein and the Ba’ath party from power. The blueprint was originally written for the neocon lunatics who served under then-President George W. Bush including Vice-President Dick Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld to establish an “international Security order” dominated by the United States.”

Council of Foreign Relations (CFR) member and Pulitzer Prize winner Judith Miller wrote a series of New York Times exclusives detailing Iraq’s so-called WMD’s – sourcing much of her info from the disgraced Iraqi politician Ahmad Chalabi. Miller’s weapons spiked articles laid out a one-sided case in favor of US intervention based on unverified intelligence reports. Her notorious New York Times published reports became a clear example of mainstream media peddling ‘Fake News’ in an attempt to sell another war to the public.

NY Magazine disclosed the overwhelming media manipulation used by Miller and her apparent source Chalabi:

“For the past year, the Times has done much to correct that coverage, publishing a series of stories calling Chalabi’s credibility into question. But never once in the course of its coverage—or in any public comments from its editors—did the Times acknowledge Chalabi’s central role in some of its biggest scoops, scoops that not only garnered attention but that the administration specifically cited to buttress its case for war.

The longer the Times remained silent on Chalabi’s importance to Judith Miller’s reporting, the louder critics howled. In February, in the New York Review of Books, Michael Massing held up Miller as evidence of the press’s “submissiveness” in covering the war. For more than a year, Slate’s Jack Shafer has demanded the paper come clean.”

Incredibly, in spite of Miller’s deceptive reporting on Iraq, she was tapped to be a geopolitical analyst on FOX News.

On October 12th 2001, Miller subsequently opened a suspicious anthrax hoax letter while at the New York Times during another intense media scare right after 9/11. Interestingly, she just so happened to have co-written a book on  bio-terrorism, as well as co-authoring a Pentagon article which discussed of all things, in including a more potent form of anthrax. In June of 2001, Miller also participated in “senior-level bio-terror attack simulation on Oklahoma City,” code named Operation Dark Winter.

Despite an insistence by the Bush Administration that Saddam was harboring WMDs, the evidence just wasn’t there. In 2004, FOX News reported that the The chief U.S. arms inspector in Iraq has found no evidence of weapons of mass destruction (search) production by Saddam Hussein’s (search) regime after 1991.”

Continuing the US intelligence report revealed the following:

“U.S. officials also said the report shows Saddam was much farther away from a nuclear weapons program in 2003 than he was between 1991 and 1993; there is no evidence that Iraq and Al Qaeda exchanged weapons; and there is no evidence that Al Qaeda and Iraq shared information, technology or personnel in developing weapons.”

In 2016, The Bureau of Investigative Journalism revealed that the Pentagon reportedly paid UK PR firm Bell Pottinger $540 million to produce fake terror videos used to… READ MORE>>>

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