9 Lies About Venezuela Most Americans Believe

“This is an opposition that openly receives at least US$40 million per year from the United States to undermine the Bolivarian Revolution.” -Pablo Vivanco 

A United States-backed opposition is aggressively undermining the Nicolas Maduro government that most Venezuelans voted to have and want. 

• This is the U.S.-backed opposition that refused talks with Maduro. 
• This is the U.S.-backed opposition that’s never conceded they are the opposition. 
• This is the U.S.-backed opposition that refuses to acknowledge most Venezuelans opted to not have them in power. 
• This is the U.S.-backed opposition that never let go of their entitlement, privilege, scorn for poorer, darker majority they saw reflected in Chavez, and now Maduro – a former bus driver. 

The United States corporate-government media is painting oil-rich Venezuela, the wealthiest Latin American country, as poorly managed by President Nicolas Maduro, resulting in opposition protests. The U.S. corporate media is not telling Americans about nine important Venezuela issues, most importantly, that the U.S. is supporting the opposition’s violence and other abuses there, responsible for ongoing atrocities against a government the majority of Venezuelans fairly elected and want because of its virtues.

Journalist and Venezuelan political analyst Pablo Vivanco’s article published Monday details nine most important points about Venezuela being kept secret from Americans to gain public support for foreign intervention, that Vivanco maintains is a real threat. The following is Vivanco’s article, edited for brevity.

1. Student marches are from a right-wing student movement 

Unlike in places like Chile, no single or united student movement exists in Venezuela. Students groups are highly decentralized and politically divided. Student groups with the opposition don’t organize around accessible or free education (since education’s been made accessible to the sector of society previously excluded, resulting in an increase of 1,809,432 post-secondary students from 1999 to 2014. 

Most recent opposition student demonstrations began in Tachira, near the Colombian border. On the third day of these, the State Governor’s house was attacked and four people arrested (two weren’t students). These arrests led students to demonstrate in other cities – none shut down by police – and led to the Feb. 12th demonstration, where three people died. 

On the same day, however, thousands of pro-government students and youth marched for ‘El Dia de la Juventud’ (Youth Day), on the other side of Caracas. When speaking about the ‘student movement’ the logical question that must follow is, ‘Which one’?”

2. Most deaths have been due to far right protesters’ violence, sabotage - the opposition

Given coverage of violence has been presented as direct government violence against peaceful protests – an account is needed. Of now 13 deaths directly resulting from protests, at least 5 were at barricades erected by opposition protesters, including pro-government motorcyclists decapitated by opposition’s barbed-wire booby-traps. 

Other deaths include the murder of Juan Montoya, a leader of leftist Tupamaros and assassination of Arturo Alexis Martinez, brother of a socialist National Assembly member, shot by a balcony sniper as he cleared debris from the blockades. 

Three opposition protesters were killed, including former beauty contestant Genesis Carmona, who protesters and ballistics reports indicate was shot from behind – that is, by opposition protesters. Jimmy Vargas, 34, died when he accidentally fell from his building, confirmed in a CNN video. His mother blames the government and Maduro. Bassil Dacosta, another student opposition protester was shot on Feb. 12. 

Nine Venezuela’s security force members are under arrest, including three officials from Servicio Bolivariano de Inteligencia Nacional (SEBIN), under investigation related to deaths of Dacosta and Montoya. Three other arrested police officers, two from Chacao and one from Merida (each city claiming 1 dead), members of police forces under command of opposition Mayors. SEBIN’s head was sacked after Feb. 12 for failing to comply with a specific order from President Maduro to not send SEBIN into streets that day. 

Some 30 others have died due to inadequate medical attention due to the opposition’s blockades. 

The vast majority of deaths are not by Maduro government’s agents. No impunity exists for those possibly responsible for the deaths or abuses. 

3. Massive media manipulation 

When Venezuelan Chamber of Commerce, Catholic Church, Military High Command and trade union centre organized their coup in 2002, Facebook and Twitter did not exist. Venezuela media was 100 percent privately owned, except state-owned VTV (that the opposition stormed and closed down signal). To justify the coup, private media manipulated images and footage of street demonstrations to suggest the government and its supporters had killed unarmed protesters. (Sounds familiar?) Through informal networks and word of mouth, called radio bemba, people learned about the coup and organized against it. 

Today, democratizing media advances (through 100s of community-run TV and radio stations) and holding private media accountable, traditional media’s monopoly over information in Venezuela has failed. New social media, however, has demonstrated powerful influence of what’s happening in Venezuela. It’s shown the extent that events and realities can be distorted, as a recent Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) article highlighted 

FAIR questioned the accuracy and credibility of an article by Francisco Toro, editor of opposition web site Caracas Chronicles, that published The Game Changed Last Night. It claims paramilitary style incursions into wealthy Caracas neighbourhoods with motorcyclists “shooting at anyone who seemed like he might be protesting.” This article was shared half a million times, including among many leftists and progressives, despite dubious authorship and questionable information. Toro’s defense for publishing unverified rumours? ”I am NOT a reporter”. 

Countless exaggerated, manipulated and uncorroborated tweets, YouTube videos and other postings have been circulated – even showing images of police brutality in other countries faked as being Venezuela - circulating to demonize Maduro’s government and supporters. “This is not a coincidence, but rather version 2.0 of the 2002 media coup. The propaganda campaign has been relentless, and unfortunately effective.”

4. Active campaign exists to sabotage Venezuelan economy 

Real and legitimate grievances and issues concerning crime and access to goods exist. However, government and social movement initiatives to address these are not reported, nor are Venezuela’s opposition contributions to creating and exacerbating these problems. 

Inflation is cited as a problem in Venezuela, reaching 56% this January. However, inflation is no new feature in the oil-exporting country: It averaged 26.78% between 1973 and 2014, reaching an all time high of 115.18% in Sept. 1996. Inflation was lower than 18% as recently as Dec. 2012, so inflation is not causing scarcity or economic grievances cited.

Why the shortage in stores in some areas? A deliberate campaign is run by producers, transporters and vendors to hoard and withhold goods, in collusion with speculators, price gougers and others shipping things to sell for dollars across the Colombian border. During the first half of 2013, at least 40,000 tons of food were found hidden. Subsequently, several large chains, such as Daka, were fined and ordered to lower prices for marking them up as much as 1,200% on goods and electronics. 

Venezuela’s government tried resolving this problem. Resistance, however, prevented this. The Institute for the Defence of People in Access to Goods and Services (INDEPABIS) responded to thousands of tips and complaints about hoarding and price-gouging, heading up massive investigations of merchants. There were arrests, fines, price-redressing and recovery of hoarded goods. However, the opposition opposed government’s measures, including price controls and actions to go after this type of abuse and economic sabotage. The opposition calls it a plan for ‘anarchy.’ Two people armed with grenades tried to assassinate INDEPABIS President Eduardo Saman. 

On the streets, opposition protests coincided with a new national law for controlling prices. In Carabobo, Zulia and other places, opposition protesters burned trucks stacked with food (produced from the state operated PDVAL) headed for subsidized markets in working class neighbourhoods. 

This economic sabotage mirrors the campaign against Salvador Allende’s government in Chile, where hoarding, transportation of goods were organized and hampered by fascist Patria y Libertad’s strike and violent attacks. Goods remained scarce until the day after the coup on Sept. 11, 1973. 

5. Crime is a regional problem, not national,  that opposition poses no solutions 

Is insecurity, especially in working-class neighbourhoods, concerning Venezuelans? Historically, crime, especially gun crime, have been problematic in Venezuela. But why? 

Massive heavy artillery and guns proliferation in Venezuela is linked to the drug trade that the government has combated, including drug cartels moving cocaine through the country, so well, it ranks 4th in the world in seizures. Linked with the prolific drug trade are unregistered firearms, estimated from 1,100,000 to 2,700,000 and ”likely higher.’ 

This is not a national problem, It’s a regional problem, with similar statistics in Brazil, Colombia, El Salvador, Honduras and Mexico. In Venezuela however, an added political motive exists – paramilitaries from the Colombian conflict. An estimated 4.5 million Colombians reside in Venezuela. The vast majority of these immigrated beginning in the 1990s and especially early 2000s, escaping violence of the Colombian conflict and looking for ‘cheaper’ living conditions. The Venezuelan government began a regularization program in 2004. 

During that same period, Colombia was ‘demobilizing’ paramilitaries linked to mass murders and drug trafficking. Some of these paramilitaries went into Venezuela among the wave of Colombians. The government has caught pramilitary groups on numerous occasions. These groups have assassinated pro-government activists in rural and urban centres.

Opposition Mayors and Governors in some places, such as in the rich municipality of Chacao, where there’s much rioting in Caracas now, refused to end their historically corrupt, brutal police forces and accept the government’s centralized, Policia Nacional Bolivariana (with extensive training, including in sociology and managing community and peoples they serve). So they are not asking for more police. 

Instead, their only discernable call is disarmament of ‘colectivos’ – armed, independent political organizations from militant, working-class neighbourhoods. Despite characterized by the opposition as government-sponsored paramilitaries, they pre-date the Chavez government and are known to sharply guard their autonomy from it.

These colectivos are self-financed organizations, mainly political, that are running community programs, media and even beautification projects. Not only are they first line of defense against a coup (as in 2002). They are also on the front lines against crime. In the 23 de Enero neighbourhood for example, they agreed with municipal government for police to remove and operate their own neighbourhood watch. Crime there is managed effectively, if somewhat severely, but that was the will of the people for their protection. 

“The opposition’s lack of a clear vision for tackling crime betrays their disingenuousness.”

6. Claims of ‘state repression’ and ‘media censorship’ are at best, exaggerated 

Beyond that most of the injured or killed from recent violence are victims of opposition protests, state repression is questioned when an opposition leader is jailed, or military is deployed. 

Leopoldo Lopez, the wealthy, Harvard-educated former Mayor of Chacao, was arrested after promoting street demonstrations against the government to generate ‘La Salida’ (The Exit) that led to three deaths on Feb. 12 and at least seven since. Lopez, during his time in office, was sanctioned for influence-peddling and embezzlement of funds, and illegal fund transfers. Lopez was active in the 2002 coup. He led mobs searching for and assaulting Chavista ministers. Before arresting him, government officials told Lopez’s family about a plan to assassinate him, and acted to prevent this, as Lopez’ wife confirmed on CNN. 

Aside from Lopez’s calls for streets to take down the government, some 50 others are being held directly in connection with violence causing serious injury, including SEBIN officers in question about murders of Bassil Dacosta, Juan Montoya, and a driver who ran someone over trying to avoid a protester barricade. 

In Tachira and other places, students blocked roads and protested without government or police interference. Not until Governor of Tachira’s residence was attacked were arrests made. This was apparently manipulated to trigger student protests escalating into violence there and in other cities. 

Venezuelan media control and clampdown? State broadcasters have only a 5%  share of the market. Opposition newspapers and websites operate without restriction, and as evidenced by extent of falsified posts circulating over social media, these continue to operate freely.

“A morbid testament to this reality is a tweet sent by former General Vivas, instructing people to set up “nylon rope or galvanized wire at 1.20 meters height in the streets” to “neutralize the hordes.” At least two have died from such traps.” 

This violence comes less than a year after 2013 presidential election violence. Narrowly losing the elections, opposition candidate Henrique Capriles called for people to go out and “discharge their rage,” leading to seven pro-government activists’ deaths and 61 injured. Violent opposition demonstrators burned several Barrio Adentro medical clinics, offices of the national telephone company, subsidized super markets, social housing and other social property.

It needs to be acknowledged that assassinations and attempts on leaders (not just Chavez), the oil strike, the 2002 coup, and countless massacres and mass repressions under the previous regime, is the context. 

Venezuela’s government response to today’s level of street violence has been restrained and balanced. It certainly would not be tolerated by government in any part of North America like Canada, the U.S., or Mexico. The Bolivarian government understands the opposition and its international backers are looking for just such a pretext to step-up their campaigns. 

7. Opposition has demonstrated disinterest in democracy, dialogue and conceding the government 

Over the past 15 years, in 19 Venezuela electoral events, 18 were won by Chavismo. Nearly 40,000 communal councils, democratic and participatory citizen-initiated bodies basically administer their neighbourhood. “If Venezuelans think an elected official – any elected official, from bottom to the very top – is failing at their job, they can initiate a recall refendum vote. This was most spectacularly carried out against Hugo Chavez in 2004 (who won the referendum handily with 58% of votes). 

“So how can Venezuela’s democratic credentials be questioned? Why are media characterizations of the government as ‘autocratic’ and ‘totalitarian’ still so common?” Because the U.S. government media and the U.S.-backed opposition says so. 

The opposition, unable to win a presidential election since 1998, has cried ‘fraud’ after virtually every election, despite international monitors testifying the contrary. They’ve held other posts through the same elections they decry. Capriles, for example, is still Governor of Miranda, but refuses to acknowledge Venezuela’s legitimate electoral system. 

This is the same (U.S.-backed) opposition thats leading members organized and conducted massacres that paved the way for their short-lived 2002 coup. 

This is the same (U.S.-backed) opposition that participated in the coup that abolished the: constitution, national assembly, judiciary, ombuds, etc. 

Capriles, as Mayor of Baruta in Caracas and Lopez, as Mayor of Chacao in Caracas both took active parts in the coup, including leading roving mobs looking for Chavista ministers and participating in aggressions against the Cuban Embassy. 

Maria Corina Machado, an opposition leader, was signatory to the Carmona decree that abolished rule of law under the junta created by the 2002 coup. 

This is also the same opposition that governed 40 years before Chavez was elected. This is the same opposition responsible for countless human rights violations and massacres.

Under the Punto Fijo Pact, three parties agreed to a corporatist ‘power-sharing.’ Many opposition players descend from these. Another example is Antonio Ledezma, another major opposition leader and Mayor of the Greater Caracas area, was Deputy of the National Assembly during the Caracazo massacre of 1989 that claimed 3,000 lives, and also Governor of Caracas in 1992 when police were sent in to kill 200 prisoners in Retén de Catia jail to quell a prison riot.

Those are the ‘democrats’ in Venezuela. They are defenders of ‘human rights’ as presented by media in North America. 

This is an opposition that openly receives at least US$40 million per year from the United States to undermine the Bolivarian Revolution. 

This is the opposition that refused talks with Maduro. 

This is the opposition that’s never conceded that they are, in fact, the opposition.

This is the opposition that has refused to acknowledge most Venezuelans have opted to not to have them in power.

This is the opposition that never let go of their entitlement, privilege, scorn for the poorer, darker majority they saw reflected in Chavez, and now Maduro – a former bus driver. 

8. Fascism and imperialism: Present threats to Venezuela 

“As much as it would be great to characterize the current situation as a small group of privileged extremists against a 99%, that is not so. While the opposition is undoubtedly under right-wing leadership and there is no – this bears repeating - no left or revolutionary tendency within the political opposition, there is a mass of people won over to the political opposition. 

More importantly, a section within the opposition has demonstrated willingness to use lethal violence to achieve its political ends. 

Undoubtedly, sincere elements exist within ranks of the opposition and students who might be frustrated, disillusioned or simply duped by ‘cubanization.’ But also, there are those burning primary schools, supply trucks, public transportation, public institutions, blocking ambulances and setting booby traps to kill and maim. These are reactionary activities with reactionary ends.

Fascism doesn’t simply involve a state oppressing people. Historically, it has implicated mobilizing a mass of people and using a section of that mass as a violent shock troop, as in Germany, Italy and Spain – and in Chile. Colombian paramilitaries, actively killing trade unionists, campesino organizers and anything ‘communist’ since the 1980s, are an example of this and a player in today’s conflict. 

It is simply not tenable to allow these activities and groups to operate, to terrorize a population. Given numerous avenues and channels for Venezuelans to organize, replace politicians, run their spaces and communities outside bourgeois institutions, “violence against institutions of the people are unacceptable.” But this is where imperialism fits in.

Violence is being fomented to ellicit a disproportionate and violent response from government or its supporters – a response that would justify possible intervention. So far that has not happened, but the U.S. Senate voted last week to sanction Venezuela, a common first step to military intervention. 

As events in Syria and Libya show, coupled with yesterday’s captured, foreign mercenary in Aragua with plans to set off car bombs, threats painted as state ‘violence’ will be used to justify foreign intervention are close up are real. 

9. Most Venezuelans support Bolivarian process and government and should be aided 

Forget whether Venezuela’s economy is still capitalist, or its government is socialist or communist. The majority of Venezuelans support the government. 

In December, the Socialist Party and its allies won 76% of mayoralties. Last week, the private consultancy firm Hinterlaces confirmed 71% of Venezuelans feel they country’s political future should be decided through the constitutional electoral process. Only 29% support government’s forced “exit” through street actions. 

Perhaps most importantly, hundreds of thousands of oil workers, women, pensioners, youth, motorcyclists, community activists, peasants and other sectors have taken to the streets across the country demanding peace and respect for their will, not that of the U.S.-backed opposition.