Following Shimon Peres’ September 28 death, the Jerusalem Post published what it called a “bombshell (from an August 24, 2014) conversation with” managing editor David Brinn, citing notes he took at the time, quoting Peres saying “I stopped Netanyahu from attacking Iran.”
“I don’t want to go into details, but I can tell you that he was ready to launch an attack and I stopped him. I told him the consequences would be catastrophic.”
“Can we report this,” Brinn asked? “When I’m dead,” Peres replied. He likely gave himself more credit than he deserved.
No Israeli leader would dare attack Iran without US permission, ideally its cooperation and involvement, unlikely to strike any other country without America informed and approving it, at least not objecting.
Both nations partner in each other’s high crimes. America signed off on, approved, and provided weapons and munitions for three Israeli wars on Palestine since Cast Lead for 22 days, beginning in late December 2008.
Had US support been withheld, they might not have been launched. Had Washington strongly opposed them, Israel wouldn’t have waged war on Gaza three times, other than periodic air strikes and/or ground incursions lasting a day or so.
Attacking Iran would inflame the entire region. A retaliatory strike would hit back hard, targeting Israeli cities and nuclear facilities, inflicting heavy casualties on its population. War would harm both countries, even if Israel and America acted jointly.
Iran isn’t Lebanon, Libya or Syria. Its powerful military could make Israel pay a heavy price for its belligerence. Peres may have influenced Netanyahu. America’s agenda decides what Israel will or won’t do regionally or beyond on issues of war and peace.
Separately, Haaretz interviewed former Israeli Mossad head Efraim Halevy, saying he offered a disquieting assessment of Netanyahu’s leadership abilities.
Asked about his concerns, he said “(w)e are experiencing the greatest crisis since the state came into being. I don’t recall a period in which we were so bereft of meaningful leadership backbone.”
“I don’t see a reservoir of individuals who are sustaining the state…And I find it difficult to understand a system (requiring) a former a former chief of staff (to) be recruited as a savior” time and again.
Halevy believes it’s not for Israel to decide who becomes Palestine’s leader. “(I)t won’t work,” he said, stressing the need to talk with Hamas’ political leadership, treating Hezbollah the same way.
“Otherwise we will get into another war,” he explained, maybe something more catastrophic than previous ones.
“When Operation Protective Edge ended in August 2014,” Netanyahu proclaimed “ ‘a great military and political achievement.’ “
Hamas got nothing in return for agreeing to end conflict. Israel systematically breached all pledges made, the stage set for eventual new conflict. Halevy urged Israelis to revolt.
Netanyahu has no policy “developed on the Palestinian issue, other than…hold(ing) onto the territories (expanding settlements, wanting a greater Israel), and ensur(ing) things do not boil over.”
He’s pursuing what can’t be achieved, Israel’s security at risk with him in charge. Earlier Halevy called the Iran nuclear deal good for Israel, criticizing Netanyahu’s opposition, explaining Obama administration officials don’t trust him.
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