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The State of the Empire in the Age of Trumpism

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Human Wrongs Watch By Diane Perlman, Ph.D.*

18 Dec 2017  – TRANSCEND Media Service

The Fall of the US Empire – And Then What?, published in 2009, has become the best-selling of the TRANSCEND University Press books. With the presidency of Donald Trump, there is renewed interest in the state of the US Empire.

“I hate the US Empire, but I love the US Republic.” For years I have been hearing this mantra from Johan Galtung my dear friend, mentor and colleague. As events unfold, it takes on new meaning.

Johan Galtung is a Norwegian-born citizen of the world, sociologist and mathematician recognized as the ‘founding father’ of peace studies and conflict transformation as a scientific discipline.

He is a frequent Nobel Peace Prize nominee, winner of the 1987 Right Livelihood Award–the alternative Nobel–and of the 2017 People’s Nobel Prize. (Here his Acceptance Speech).

He has negotiated with many heads of state, inspired the idea of the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe – the OSCE, and has helped resolve many conflicts from families to nations to regions.

Johan has made many accurate predictions of world events, including the 1989 collapse of the Soviet Empire, the 1978 Iranian revolution, the 1989 Tiananmen Square uprising in China, the economic crises of 1987, 2008 and 2011, and the 9/11 attacks in 2001.

In 2000, Galtung predicted the fall of the US Empire in twenty-five years. During George W. Bush’s presidency, he shortened it by five years, to 2020. Galtung saw Bush as an accelerator, having launched three wars — on terrorism, Afghanistan and Iraq.

Following on the 1953 Korean War win and the Viet Nam War lost in 1975. After the Viet Nam War, we were aware that we had a psychological “Viet Nam syndrome.”

Some believed we needed a victory to overcome this. The compounding of problematic wars has made us war weary after five major wars with disastrous outcomes, unintended consequences, and unnecessary trauma to many millions of people.

Galtung has made a comparative study of the rise and fall of empires, described in this book. He sees our recent history as consistent with patterns preceding the collapse of empires, noting that the rise and fall of empires has become more rapid in recent times.

The idea of Empire, Galtung points out, is that we get other people to do our killing for us. The fall of the Empire is signaled by the refusal of other parties to kill for us. In past wars, countries were eager to send soldiers to proudly fight with and for us. This willingness has been diminishing.

After Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait, President G H W Bush’s foreign policy team easily assembled an unprecedented international coalition including NATO allies and the Middle Eastern countries and coordinated an air campaign in January 1991, which was followed by “Operation Desert Storm.”

By contrast, President George W. Bush, the son, planning to invade Iraq, had a hard time cobbling together a “Coalition of the Willing,” which some called the “Coalition of the Coerced” as countries had to be cajoled with rewards and threats of punishments to go along.

Millions marched in cities around the world on February 15, 2003 attempting to prevent the predictably cataclysmic war on Iraq. The emerging global citizenry came to be known as the “Other Superpower,” as described by my friend and colleague, the late Jonathan Schell in The Nation Magazine, March 27, 2003. Schell said, What emerges is a portrait of a world in resistance.”

Galtung discerned a formula for predicting the decline and fall of empires, using the concept of contradictions which intensify, synergize and synchronize. He identifies 15 contradictions in the US, described in Chapter 4, accelerated by W. Bush. Likewise, Trump’s behavior in office is further intensifying our contradictions and their synergy.

The US walking out of the Paris Climate Agreement is magnifying several contradictions. It increases the contradiction between the US and the rest of the world, and the US and the UN. Trump’s withdrawal triggered off the “We’re still in movement” of US Mayors, governors, businesses, and citizens who are doubling down on their commitments to the Paris accord.

Thus, Trump is also increasing the contradictions between his administration and local governments, businesses, citizenry, responsibility to future generations, nature, and more. By asserting his need for greatness, he is contradicting his legacy as well.

Trump said he is the president of Pittsburg, not Paris. This reveals a cognitive impairment–concrete thinking, poor reality testing, and identifying a name with the thing. The Paris agreement is not about Paris, where the agreement was made, but the entire planet.

And Pittsburgh is taking a leading role in the Paris agreement and against Trump’s withdrawal. Trump pitted himself against Paris and Pittsburgh, representing the entire world, not cities–quite a contradiction!

In decertifying the Iran Nuclear Deal–a successful, historic achievement of the multilateral diplomacy–, Trump believes he is asserting US dominance. In addition he is threatening to destroy North Korea and disempowering the Secretary of State while decimating the entire State Department.

His imperial actions are, in fact, causing our isolation, destroying our credibility and the possibility that any leaders will ever trust the US as a negotiating partner, while simultaneously provoking nuclear proliferation. Trump is providing a vivid demonstration of the “law of opposites.” He is intensifying the contradictions between and within congress as well.

Now that we are in the age of Trumpism, Galtung wisely states, “Donald Trump proclaims ‘America First;’ he is in fact producing ‘America Last.’ What we need is ‘America Normal.’”

The concept of “America Normal” is a radical idea. We resist the idea of being normal, as it contradicts our DNA and our “deep culture” that Johan writes about. We are preoccupied with an unhealthy, unquestioned need to be special, exceptional, and number one. USA! USA! USA!

The need to be exceptional is experienced by others as obnoxious, arrogant, and offensive. It is also immature, unmindful and disrespectful of other countries’ roles in the world.  It provokes hostility against us and creates an unnecessary tension that fuels animosity and conflicts. Being exceptional is also a heavy burden.

As part of the deep culture, exceptionalism filters down to the individual psychology of many Americans. While the idea of being normal is fiercely resisted, it is much healthier and could be a relief. In fact, accepting oneself as a normal part of humanity is a goal in psychotherapy for many Americans raised to need to be special.

Finally, let us take heed of the subtitle, “US Fascism or US Blossoming?” Let us use this warning about the fall of our empire as an opportunity to consciously and intentionally nurture our blossoming and the rise of the US republic.

Now, in Nov 2017, following the recent elections of many women, minorities, progressive men, and a transgender candidate, let’s hope this new crop of emerging leaders can be inclusive and reach deeply to address the concerns of those attracted to Trump and the idea of empire, domination, and being number one, which for some involves compensation for feelings of humiliation and manipulated fears.

It involves forging our US identity around deeper and higher values. Let’s evolve so that we may enjoy our optimal place in the world as a normal country among nations with extremely important and essential contributions to make in culture, civility, and creating a sustainable society and a livable planet.

Preface to the Special USA Edition of the book, The Fall of the US Empire – And Then What? by Johan Galtung

——-

Uri Avnery[/caption]

In Israel we also have such a word, a word of four letters. A word not to mention.

This word is “Shalom”, peace.

(In Hebrew, “sh” is one letter, and the “a” is not written.)

For years now this word has disappeared from intercourse (except as a greeting). Every politician knows that it is deadly. Every citizen knows that it is unmentionable.

There are many words to replace it. “Political agreement”. “Separation”. “We are here and they are there”. “Regional arrangement”. To name a few.

And here comes Donald Trump and brings the word up again. Trump, a complete ignoramus, does not know that in this country it is taboo.

He wants to make peace here. SH-A-L-O-M. So he says. True, there is not the slightest chance that he really will make peace. But he has brought the word back into the language. Now people speak again about peace. Shalom.

PEACE? WHAT is peace?

There are all kind of peaces. Starting from a little peace, a baby-peace, to a large, even mighty peace.

Therefore, before opening a serious debate about peace, we must define what we mean. An intermission between two wars? Non-belligerence? Existence on different sides of walls and fences? A prolonged armistice? A Hudna (in Arabic culture, an armistice with a fixed expiry date)?

Something like the peace between India and Pakistan? The peace between Germany and France – and if so, the peace before World War I or the peace prevailing now? The Cold War between the Soviet Union and the United States, or the Hot Peace between Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump?

There are all kinds of peace situations. What kind of Israeli-Palestinian peace are we talking about? The peace between a horse and its rider? The peace between a people of masters and a people of slaves? Something like the peace between the South African Apartheid regime and the Bantustans it had created for the Blacks? Or a quite different kind of peace, a peace between equals?

It’s about this peace I would like to speak. Not “real” peace. Not “perfect” peace. Not “complete” peace.

About peace. Peace pure and simple. Without qualifications, please.

WHEN DID it all start? The conflict that now dominates the lives of the two peoples, when did it begin?

Hard to say.

It is easy to say: it started when the first Jewish immigrant reached these shores.

Sounds simple. But it is not altogether true.

It seems that the pre-Zionist Bilu immigrants, who came here in the early 1800s, did not arouse hostility.

I have a theory about that: some time before the Bilu (short for “House of Jacob, Go!”) came here, a religious German sect, the Templers, settled in this country. They had no political aims, just a religious vision. They set up model villages and townships, and the locals were grateful. When the first Jews arrived, the locals assumed that this was more of the same.

Then came the Zionist movement, which definitely had political aims. They spoke only about a “national home”, but the founder, Theodor Herzl, had previously written a book called “The Jewish State” (or, more accurately, “The Jewstate”). The aim was hidden for a time, because the country belonged to the Ottoman Empire.

Only very few of the local population realized right from the beginning that this was a mortal danger for them. A large majority of the Muslims saw the Jews only as an inferior religious community, which the Prophet had commanded them to protect.

So when did the conflict start? There are various theories about that. I adhere to the theory of the almost-forgotten historian Aharon Cohen, who pointed to a particular event. In 1908, the revolution of the “Young Turks” broke out.

The Islamic Ottoman Empire turned into a nationalist state. As a reaction, there arose in Palestine and the neighboring countries an Arab national movement, which called for the “decentralization” of the empire, giving autonomy to its many peoples.

A local Arab leader approached the Zionist representative in Jerusalem with a tempting offer: if the Jews support the Arab movement, the Arabs will support Zionist immigration.

In great excitement, the Zionist representative rushed to the then leader of the Zionist world movement, Max Nordau, a German Jew, and urged him to accept the offer. But Nordau treated the offer with contempt. After all, it was the Turks who were in possession of the country. What did the Arabs have to offer?

It is difficult to know how history would have evolved if such a Zionist-Arab cooperation had come into being. But a European Jew could not even imagine such a turn of events. Therefore the Zionists cooperated with the Turkish – and later with the British – colonial regime against the local Arab population.

Since then, the conflict between the two peoples has intensified from generation to generation. Now peace is further away than ever.

BUT WHAT is peace?

The past cannot be obliterated. Anyone who suggests that the past should be ignored and that we “start again from the beginning” is dreaming.

Each of the two peoples lives in a past of its own. The past shapes their character and their behavior every day and every hour. But the past of one side is totally different from the past of the other.

This is not just a war between two peoples. It is also a war between two histories. Two histories which contradict each other in almost every particular, though they concern the very same events.

For example: Every Zionist knows that until the 1948 war, the Jews acquired land with good money, money contributed by Jews around the world.

Every Arab knows that the Zionists bought the land from absentee landlords who lived in Haifa, Beirut or Monte Carlo, and then demanded that the Turkish (and later the British) police evict the fellahin who had tilled the land for many generations. (All the land had originally belonged to the Sultan, but when the empire was bankrupt the Sultan sold it to Arab speculators.)

Another example: Every Jew is proud of the Kibbutzim, a unique achievement of human progress and social justice, which were frequently attacked by their Arab neighbors. For the Arabs, the Kibbutzim were just sectarian instruments of displacement and deportation.

Another example: Every Jew knows that the Arabs started the 1948 war in order to exterminate the Jewish community. Every Arab knows that in that war, the Jews evicted half the Palestinian people from their homeland.

And so forth: nowadays the Israelis believe that the Palestinian Authority, which pays a monthly salary to the families of “murderers”, supports terrorism. The Palestinians believe that the Authority is duty-bound to support the families whose sons and daughters have sacrificed their lives for their people.

And so forth, without end.

(By the way, I am very proud of having invented the only scientifically sound definition of “terrorist”, which both sides can accept: “Freedom fighters are on my side, terrorists are on the other side.”)

THERE WILL never be peace if the two peoples do not know the historical narrative of the other side. There is no need to accept the narrative of the opponent. One can deny it totally. But one has to know it, in order to understand the other people and respect it.

Peace does not have to be based on mutual love. But it must be based on mutual respect. Mutual respect can arise only when each people knows the historical narrative of the other side. When it understands that, it will also understand why the other people acts the way it does, and what is needed for peaceful co-existence.

That would be much easier if every Israeli Jew learned Arabic, and every Palestinian Arab learned Hebrew. That would not solve the problem, of course, but it would bring the solution much closer.

When each of the two peoples understands that the other side is not a bloodthirsty monster, but acts from natural motives, it will discover many positive points in the culture of the other side. Personal contacts will be established, perhaps even friendships.

This is already happening in Israel, though on a small scale. In the academic world, for example. And in the hospitals. Jewish patients are often surprised to discover that their nice and competent doctor is an Arab and that Arab male nurses are frequently more gentle than the Jewish ones.

That cannot replace dealing with the real problems. Our two peoples are divided by real, weighty controversies. There is a problem about land, about borders, about refugees. There are problems of security and innumerable other issues. A war of more than a hundred years will not end without painful compromises.

When there is a basis for negotiations between equals, a basis of mutual respect, insoluble problems will suddenly become soluble problems.

BUT THE precondition for this process is the return of the four-letter-word to the language.

It is impossible to do something big, something historic, if there is no belief that it is possible.

A person will not plug an electric cord into a wall if they do not believe that they will be connected to electricity. They must believe that the lights will go on.

Nobody will start peace negotiations if they believe that peace is impossible.

The belief in peace will not make peace certain. But at least it will make peace possible.

——-

*AUTHOR: Uri Avnery is a member of the TRANSCEND Network for Peace, Development and Environment.  He is an Israeli journalist, writer, peace activist, a former Knesset member, and the founder of Gush Shalom. 

Go to Original – uriavnery.com in avnery-news.co.il/ Learn more about Gush Shalom.

Uri Avnery’s Websites: http://www.Avnery-news.co.il http://www.gush-shalom.org http://www.Uri-Avnery.de [email protected]

Read more articles by Uri Avnery published in Human Wrongs Watch:

The New Wave

A Curious National Home

Whoso Confesseth and Forsaketh

Greetings for Diana Buttu

The Visitation

Parliamentary Riffraff

A Curious National Home

One, Two, Three – Rejoice!

The Israeli Macron

Palestine’s Nelson Mandela

CUI BONO?

The Tunic of Nessus

University of Terror

The Israeli National Riddle

The Most Moral Army

Perhaps the Messiah Will Come

The Cannons of Napoleon

The Great Rift

That’s How It Happened

Respect the Green Line!

President Kong

Being There

Confessions of a Megalomaniac

Yes, We Can

Anti-Semitic Zionists

Don’t Send Him!

Remember Naboth

The Call of the Nation

Oh My God, Trump!

The Shot Heard All Over the Country

The Orange Man

Petty Corruption

Those Funny Anti-Semites

“Us” and “Them”

The Other Gandhi

Squaring the Circle

The Case of Soldier A

My Terrorist, Your Terrorist

The Great BDS Debate

The Last Trump

Holy Water

When God Despairs

A Lady With A Smile

Optimism of the Will

The Pied Piper of Zion

Extreme, Extremer, Extremest

The Widening Gap

A Bribery Case

Imagined Nations

A Lonely Lawyer

King Bibi

Seashore Thoughts

The Reign of Absurdiocy

The Cats of Ariel

Adolf, Amin and Bibi

Weep, Beloved Country

The Settlers’ Prussia

Nasser and I

The Ministry of Fear

“Don’t Talk Zionism!”

The Real Menace

The Face of a Boy

The Molten Three

The Magician’s Apprentice

Jewish Terrorists

Divide et Impera

Sheldon’s Stooges

The Treaty

To Be Greek

The Second Battle of Trafalgar

War Crimes? Us???

Isratin or Palestrael?

BDS, the New Enemy

The Real Naqba

The Map on the Wall

Who Will Save Israel?

A Day and Night-mare

A Boy Called Bibi

Cats in a Sack

“There Are Still Judges…”

National Unity

Who’s Afraid of the Big Bad Bomb?

The Israeli Salvation Front

The Messiah Hasn’t Come

For Whom to Vote?

The Speech

An Expensive Speech

Anti-What?

The Casino Republic

Over Bottled

Zionists All

Galant’s Gallant Act

Waving in the First Row

Half of Shas

The Rock of our Existence

Splendid Isolation

My Glorious Brothers

Can the Duke Become King?

The Plebiscite

The Son of my Eyes

The Unholy City

Wine, Blood and Gasoline

Is ISIS Coming?

Muhammad, Where Are You?

Two Speeches

Ah, If I Were 25

Scotland on the Euphrates: The Obsolescence of the Nation-State

God Wills It!

The War for Nothing

Eyeless in Gaza

Meeting in a Tunnel

Who Is Winning?

A Shameful Chapter

No, We Can’t!

2017 Human Wrongs Watch ” data-medium-file=”" data-large-file=”" class=” size-full wp-image-99894 alignleft” src=”https://www.transcend.org/tms/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/Diane-Perlman-e1507459756527.jpg” alt=”" width=”100″ height=”140″ />*Diane Perlman, Ph.D. is a member of the TRANSCEND Network for Peace, Development and Environment and a Visiting Scholar, George Mason University School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution.

[email protected] 

www.consciouspolitics.org

This article originally appeared on Transcend Media Service (TMS) on 18 Dec 2017: TMS: The State of the Empire in the Age of Trumpism.

2017 Human Wrongs Watch


Source: https://human-wrongs-watch.net/2017/12/21/the-state-of-the-empire-in-the-age-of-trumpism/


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