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Charlie Hebdo Followed Zionist Template

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Charlie Hebdo has come to represent “free speech” for Zionists and Islamophobes. All others need not apply. The book’s editor, Kevin Barrett last week was denied entry into Canada to deliver a speech.


Whether its Paris, Ottawa, Melbourne or Copenhagen, state-sponsored terrorism follows
a well-established  pattern. In this excerpt, Laurent Guyenot shows how the Hebdo false flag was previewed by another French “terror” event in 2012 which bears an uncanny resemblance. 





Makow Comment- As with Sandy Hook, there are no pictures of bullet ridden pictures  cartoonists. I suspect no one died at Charlie Hebdo. The “victims”are enjoying a comfortable retirement under new identities in Herzliya, a posh suburb north of Tel Aviv. This article is from the book We are NOT Charlie Hebdo,  a collection of essays by experts who deconstruct the event and its implications.  







PREQUEL TO CHARLIE HEBDO:
THE MARCH 2012 MOHAMED MERAH AFFAIR 
by Laurent Guyenot (translated by Kevin Barrett)


“The important thing to understand is that the trauma of Montauban and Toulouse struck deep in our country, a little–I do not want to compare the horrors–a little like the trauma that followed the events in the US and New York in September 2001 . . . September 11th.”
-Nicolas Sarkozy, 23 March 2012, broadcast on Europe 1189


The Charlie Hebdo affair comes three years after the Mohamed Merah case. The two incidents have extremely disturbing similarities, as if they employed the same script, the same staging and the same troupe of actors. 

First, consider the many factual similarities: the suspects’ profiles, the two dubiously-connected episodes of each tragedy, the all-night sieges keeping the audience riveted to their television screens, the implausible executions of the suspects, and a whole series of inconsistencies in the official story. 

(French patsy Mohammed Merah supposedly killed some Jewish 
children and French soldiers in 2012)

Additionally, in both cases, the authorities have produced no convincing evidence that the executed suspects were actually involved in the crimes. Another connection: the four Jewish victims of the grocery store hostage episode “are buried in the same cemetery as the Jewish victims of Mohammed Merah.”

But the most striking similarities are in the repercussions of the two cases–especially the virtually-identical government/media response. Two days after the killings in a Jewish school March 19, 2012, Foreign Minister Alain Juppé went to Jerusalem for the funeral of the victims.

 There he met Shimon Peres in the presidential palace, where Juppé assured Peres of his support in the war on terror and anti-Semitism (both implicitly skillfully combined in this scene). 

Then the next day, Juppé met Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to pledge his support. In a public tribute to the victims (and implicitly to Zionism) Alain Juppé, wearing the kippa, spoke of “a national tragedy, a catastrophe that has struck France. ( . . . ) When a Jew is targeted in France, the whole of France is affected. The attack on Jews in France is the business of 65 million French people. Your grief, your pain is ours ( . . . ) Anti-Semitism is unbearable for us. France will not yield to terrorism.” Note the subtle equation that makes “terrorism” and “anti-Semitism” two interchangeable terms.
A similar swiftly-orchestrated response followed the deaths of Jewish hostages in the Hyper-Kosher grocery store in 2015, following the supposedly related shootings at the headquarters of Charlie Hebdo. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu took charge of France’s officially- sanctioned nationwide demonstration, before going to the Great Synagogue of Paris where, before a cheering crowd, he gave a speech about his favorite topic: the fight against terrorism and anti-Semitism.

Each of the two cases took place shortly after brutal Israeli attacks against the Gaza Strip, and each was used to consign those atrocities to the memory hole–or at least to drown out the chorus of disapproval. Each also allowed Israel to remind the Jews of France (the largest Jewish community in Europe) that they live in a hostile land and would do well to emigrate to Israel. 

Both affairs also gave Israel a pretext to oppress the Palestinians and attack unfriendly Arab and Muslim countries. In March 2012, Israel was seeking to launch a war against Iran, and the Merah affair drummed up French support. Likewise in 2015, Israel was trying to stop a G5+1 nuclear deal with Iran, and the Charlie Hebdo and supermarket shootings once again helped the Zionist cause.

Additionally, each of the two affairs helped terrorize French Jews (the largest Jewish community in Europe) to encourage them to emigrate to Israel. When, on October 31st 2012, Netanyahu made an official visit to France, he said at a press conference with Hollande (who would accompany him the next day to Toulouse for a ceremony honoring the victims): “In my role as Prime Minister of Israel, I always say to Jews everywhere: Come to Israel and make Israel your home.”

Finally, in both cases, immediately after the event, a PATRIOT Act type of law censoring free speech and focusing on anti-Semitism– equated with criticism of Israel–was imposed on the French public. In the days following the killings in 2012, President Sarkozy announced his plan to create a new criminal offense and place internet users under surveillance: “Any person who habitually visits websites that justify terrorism or incite hatred or violence shall be prosecuted and penalized.”

 Apparently the concept of “condoning terrorism” is almost limitless.

The new anti-terrorism acts were presented by Sarkozy to his Cabinet on April 11th, 2012, but were eventually rejected by Parliament. So, it seems, we had to start all over again in 2015.
And indeed, a few days after the killing of Charlie Hebdo, taking advantage of public emotion, François Hollande proposed a new law: to censor the Internet. 

“To fight an enemy, you must first know and name it. Anti-Semitism has changed its face. It has not lost its ancient roots. Some of these springs have not changed since the dawn of time: conspiracy, suspicion, falsification. But today, it also feeds on hatred of Israel. It imports conflict from the Middle East. It claims that Jews are somehow responsible for people’s misfortunes. It keeps alive conspiracy theories that spread without limits, even those that have led to the worst of horrors.”

(Paris was considering recognizing Palestine.)

Hollande stressed the need to “be aware that conspiracy theories are propagated through the internet and social networks. But we must remember that it is words that prepare the way for mass extermination . . . We need to act at the European and even international levels to define a legal framework, so that the internet platforms running social networks face their responsibilities and are penalized for violations,” he emphasized. 

Hollande said his government will support the call of several Jewish organizations “against Holocaust denial on the Internet.” It seems that the concept of negation or “denial,” usually associated with Holocaust denial, has been curiously extended to include negation of the official account of the Charlie Hebdo case.

To underline the similarities between the two affairs, and gain a better perspective on the Charlie Hebdo incident, here is a reminder of the facts in the Merah case, highlighting anomalies and advancing a plausible hypothesis.

This article is too long to post in full. You may purchase a copy of We are NOT Charlie Hebdo. This excerpt was intended to inform you of this new book and provide a sample. 




Source: http://henrymakow.com/2015/06/Charlie-Hebdo-Followed-Zionist-Template.html



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