Ottoman-German Relations During WWI

An excerpt from, “Victory at Gallipoli, 1915’ Book Review” Historynet, November 1, 2021:

Author Klaus Wolf’s military career in the Bundeswehr took him to Turkey on three NATO assignments, during which he researched the military cooperation between Turkey and Germany both before and during World War I. First published in 2008 and translated into English by the Gallipoli Association, this volume is lavishly illustrated with maps and photographs.

German involvement in the Ottoman empire dates from the mid–18th century, though its presence in the early 20th century proved key. Wolf profiles several pivotal figures from the period. Among the more complex was Field Marshal Colmar Freiherr von der Goltz, who reached Constantinople in 1909 and whom Wolf describes as “half scholar, half military, half German, half Turk, half aristocrat, half democrat, half general, half boy scout.” Arriving in May 1913 was Lt. Gen. Otto Liman von Sanders, “adroit and versatile in the art of war,” his task to reorganize the Turkish army. While more recent Turkish sources have downplayed the role the German military played in Gallipoli, their involvement was undeniably significant, from tactics to training, leadership and munitions.

An excerpt from, “German Soldiers in the Ottoman Empire, 1914-1918: Introductory Text” by Oliver Stein, Freie Universität Berlin:

To strengthen the allies, the Germans helped with the modernization of the Ottoman army. The small Ottoman air force, which had existed since 1911 in rudimentary form, was expanded with German personnel and material aide. The German Captain Erich Serno thus became the creator of a new Turkish air force that was based on the German model. Serno additionally designed the Ottoman aviator badges, which was the insignia for the flying personnel after 1914.

A large problem in the first year of war consisted in the provision of weapons and ammunition for the Ottoman army. During the most materially intensive combat in the Dardanelles, the Ottoman Empire did not possess its own armament industry and after the transport lines in the Balkans were blocked, they were also unable to receive the necessary amount of supplies from the Central Powers. For this reason, Germany sent many officers, engineers and other specialists to Constantinople in order to build ammunition factories. One of these specialists was Heinrich Frank, who, as the military operational manager of the Navy arsenals’ bullet factory, passed on his knowledge to the Turks. His two service IDs also visually testify to how the service for this group of Germans in the Ottoman Empire was work that straddled two cultures: his German-speaking identification shows him in German officer uniform while the photograph on his Ottoman document features him wearing a Turkish fez.

An excerpt from, “Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, The Lansing Papers, 1914–1920, Volume I – The Ambassador in Turkey (Elkus) to the Secretary of State, Constantinople, November 17, 1916″:

There is little, if any, system in administration and great delay about everything. To get a positive answer quickly to anything is an impossibility and almost so after weeks of negotiation. Delay . . . is the order as to everything. All the foreign powers find this true, and among the greatest complainants are the German and Austrian Ambassadors, who experience the same difficulties as the representatives of neutral powers.

As to military matters, it is stated that the Germans have a written agreement with the Turks, providing for the control by the German officers attached to the Turkish Army and that is the only instrument compelling obedience to German authority, although that is often thwarted

The change recently made in the German Embassy, here, is due to the fact that the former Ambassador stated he could do nothing with the Turks . . .

. . .For many years the Turks played off one foreign power against another. Usually the English against the French. Now there are indications of playing off the United States against Germany. The Germans know this and have suggested unofficially to me that we act in concert in such matters as we can agree upon. I have said, of course, submit what you wish to me and I will consult my government.

. . .Enver, at present, is the most powerful of the ruling triumvirate. He is the Germanophil member, with German military backing, and the ever present argument of military necessity to enforce such measures, ruinous in the opinion of many, to the country’s policy, as the general calling out of all the men up to the age of forty five.

But as a matter of fact, the Turks and Germans are not very good friends. . . . The Turks are already planning how they may best get rid of German supervision as soon as the war is over. But the likelihood is the Germans, if permitted by the Entente, will retain their control even after the war.

A movement against the Greeks of the Asia Minor littoral, similar to that against the Armenians, and a renewal of Armenian deportations is said to have begun with deportations into the interior. At Smyrna, the first deportation has been started, because of a revolutionary plot said to have been discovered by the Government. Three hundred Armenian families are reported as having been sent into the interior.

The food situation has grown worse. The price of bread has been raised again. All other food prices are being increased in proportion. Well-to-do people can still buy everything they need. But there is a distinct visible augmentation of misery among the poor.

As I have already telegraphed the Department, Talaat Pasha stated to me that he saw no reason why the friendly relations between Turkey and America should not continue, even if there was a rupture between America and Germany. Some days after that he told me that he had reported our conversation to the Sultan, and that His Imperial Majesty had thoroughly approved Talaat Pasha’s statements and said he deeply desired the continuation of the friendly relations between the two countries. But Djavid Bey, the new Minister of Finance, was much more outspoken than the Grand Vizier. In the course of a quiet after-dinner confidential conversation at the Embassy, he told me the other day that even if there was a war between Germany and America, Turkey would not break off relations with America. Djavid said that it was only after the war had ceased that people would realize what a calamity it had been. This country would be short of men, would be under the burden of a tremendous debt, the revenues decreased and would have to look outside of Turkey for financial assistance in order to begin the work of construction. “Turkey’s only hope is in the United States. The European countries will be unable or unwilling to help us financially.” “On the other hand,” he continued, “what can we expect to gain if we take part in a war against the United States? Absolutely nothing! I therefore guarantee 90% that if there is war between Germany and the United States, Turkey will stay out of it. At least that is our feeling and our intention to-day.” And he looks upon the above reasons put forward by him as logical and convincing. I asked him what the Turks would do in case the Germans insisted on Turkey performing her duty as an ally to declare war against America. He said Turkey would simply refuse and if Germany still insisted Turkey would ask her to send her 3 to 400,000 troops to do the fighting, as otherwise the Turks would be unable to fight alone. The cordiality now demonstrated by the Ministers may be genuine and sincere, or may be only assumed and serving for some ulterior purpose. . . . Future developments will show whether this demonstration is sincere or not. If not sincere it may serve one of the following two purposes: it may be intended to mislead us, and for the purpose of having America help Turkey now or hereafter,—a repetition under another form of the assurances given to the British Ambassador in 1914 that Turkey would remain neutral—or it may be intended for the edification of Germany, a kind of a warning, if not a threat, to the overbearing ally that she is not the only great power and that if she is not more considerate towards the weaker ally, the latter can find—had found—other friends! Some Turks, however, not friendly towards the Union and Progress Committee have quite a different interpretation for these demonstrations of cordiality. According to what they say the Union and Progress leaders are aware that they will be held responsible for dragging Turkey into this war, which has proved to be disastrous for the Empire; that they will also be held responsible for the Armenian massacres, the persecution of the other non-Turkish races and for endless other misdeeds. Therefore seeing the approach of the day of reckoning and having no confidence in the ability or the willingness of their German ally to help them in the hour of need, they desire to make friends with America now, in order to protect themselves or at least have a friend when that day of reckoning comes.

But it is curious to hear that some German officers here have stated that even if war should occur between America and Germany, Turkey should continue her diplomatic relations with America. These officers are further stated to have said it is not desirable to have a war between Germany and the United States.

It is rumored that both in Turkish and German military circles here there is an apprehension that should war ever be declared between the United States and Turkey, the former can at once send troops and ammunition from the Philippines to the Persian Gulf and thus help the British in Mesopotamia or Palestine.

. . .Turks state to me that Germany does not wish to see here an Ambassador of a great power like the United States, who is too friendly with the Turks, because they wish to impress on the Turks that they are the only power that can protect Turkey, and the only friend Turkey has. I am told on the other hand that the Turks wish to emancipate themselves from this German guardianship.

The feeling in the civilian Turkish circles is far from being friendly to the Germans. In a conversation with a Turkish Minister, the latter said,

“really speaking the Germans had no friends, their manner is such that they can have no friends, that they have a wonderful military organization, of which they are proud, and through their organization they have a strong discipline in their own country holding the people under a permanent guardianship and obedience, and they imagine that they have the same power over all the world. In diplomacy they are poor and what success they have had has been through threat. They think of nothing but themselves and their own interest. They never take into consideration the feelings and interests of others. We are their allies. In this war we have rendered them signal services, and have acted towards them as gentlemen. What have we seen? What are they doing for us. Nothing. In all our dealings with them they raise difficulties. If we have negotiations concerning a loan or anything else, there is not a small point that can be raised in their favor which they would fail to raise. We went into the war without thinking of loans, expenses or other details. Had we asked the Germans at that time to take upon themselves all our war expenses, Germany would have agreed to do so, but as we did not raise that question, to-day we are borrowing money from the Germans and we are indebted to them to the amount of 100,000,000 pounds sterling just for the war expenses. As allies of the Germans, of course, we desire to see Germany win in this war, but do not want to see Germany have such a victory as to become the dictator of the whole world. That would be a misfortune for all.”

I spoke to him about the food question in Germany, and whether the scarcity was such as to force the Germans to put down their arms. The Minister stated that according to his information the German Army was well fed; as to the civilian population, he believed, that through the wonderful organization which they have in Germany, it would be possible to feed them until the new crops. But in his opinion there was another question which was more serious for the Germans than that of the food supply. How long will the material for the manufacture of ammunition last? There is scarcity of coal and scarcity of copper.

These statements did not prevent him from saying that the way the Entente Powers had published their terms of peace was a most stupid piece of business. There were thousands of people in this country, who were against the war and longed for peace, and yet the Entente Governments say that they want to give Constantinople to Russia. All these people now want the continuation of the war.

He knew that there were no diplomats in Germany, that it was only through force that the Germans wanted to deal with every nation, but he had believed that in England and in France there were good diplomats. The way the latter acted in this matter showed him that there is a penury of statesmanship even in those countries.

While speaking of the friendly relations between Turkey and America, I told him that Turkey had many friends in America, but I added in order that these friends might in some way be able to be of any service to this country, there should be put an end to all Armenian massacres as well as Arab or Syrian or other persecutions. He at once stated that he agreed with me entirely. “These things should not have happened.” He said he hoped that very soon we would see an amelioration in the condition of the Armenians, who would be allowed to travel and do business within certain zones. What happened was a most deplorable thing and he said you can be sure that it will not be repeated.