Why America's Hands In Iran Are Tied

“In the event of an open confrontation with Iran—given the strain on American forces and the downside of air strikes or naval bombardment—the U.S. military’s greatest asset will be its unconventional warfare capabilities. The best military strategy will focus on creating an environment in which unconventional warfare can flourish within Iran. The theme here is capacity building, and Iran’s restive populations—its ethnic minorities, student movements, human rights groups and regime opponents—should be at the center of the military’s attention. An opening level of engagement with domestic groups will lead to an evaluation of each group’s capabilities and potential. Once assets are identified, they should be taught, mentored and supported to act on their own behalf and in the interests of their own country. Lines of communication and avenues of cooperation will be important to creating a baseline capability flexible enough to be adapted to a range of potential future scenarios.” – “Confronting Iran: U.S. Options” Convened by: American Foreign Policy Council and McCormick Tribune Foundation, August 2007, Pg. 18.

“In travelling eastwards across the vast lowlands of central and upper Mesopotamia, one sees in the distance a great mountain barrier. These are the mountains of Kurdistan, the beginning of the Iranian Plateau, rising abruptly like a wall beyond the Tigris. Few geographical features demonstrate more graphically just how distinct Iran is, culturally and geographically, from the lands of the Near or Middle East to its west. Behind stretches the level plains of the Tigris-Euphrates basin and the Syrian desert further west, interrupted by the Anti-Lebanon and Lebanon ranges before meeting the Mediterranean. This is the Arab world of today, the world of the great ancient civilisations of the Semitic Near East. But ahead is a very different world, a world of high mountains and upland plateaux, of long winter snows and winds coming out of Inner Asia: Iran is more a part of ‘High Asia’ than of the conventional Middle East’ further west. Its people speak languages unrelated to those of the Semitic Near East, and although today they share the same religion (Islam), Iranian Shiism is different to the mainstream Sunnism practised by most Arabs. In reaching this mountain barrier one senses the traditional ‘Middle East’ to be left behind: the Iranian Plateau is where Central Asia begins.

The Iranian plateau is mostly between 100 and 2000 metres high, dominated by the Alburz mountains in the north and the Zagros in the south-west; in Iran one is rarely out of sight of mountains. The two mountain ranges meet in a knot towards the Caucasus mountains in the north-west. This latter region, known as Azerbaijan (the Republic of Azerbaijan further north is an extension) is one of the hilliest and best watered parts of Iran. The country remains hilly and well watered further south-east following the Zagros ranges, through Kurdistan, Luristan and Fars, but in the extreme south-west it opens out into the low, flat plains of Khuzistan (ancient Susiana or Elam), an eastward extension of the lowland of the Tigris-Euphrates river basin of Mesopotamia. The Zagros range becomes more arid further south, plunging abruptly in places into the Persian Gulf, isolating the plateau from the sea and leaving only a very narrow, arid coastal strip. The Alburz ranges to the north isolate the Caspian littoral from the central plateau in a similar fashion. The Caspian coastal plain, however, could not be in more contrast to the Gulf: the combination of its altitude several hundred feet below sea level with the barrier effect of the Alburz ranges has provided an enclosed, humid, greenhouse environment of dense rain forest, rice fields and tea plantations. To the east of the Caspian, where the Alburz gradually peters out, the country opens out into the high, wide pastures of the Turkmen steppe and Khurasan. Between the two ranges of the Alburz and Zagros lies the bulk of the Iranian plateau, a largely level area of plains and semi-desert (although interrupted by low ranges of hills throughout), gradually giving way to the great deserts of sand and salt in the central and south-eastern parts of the country (the Dasht-i Kavir and the Dasht-i Lut). This region contains some of the great cities of Iran, such as Tehran and Isfahan, and a string of caravan cities—Yazd, Kerman, Bam—-skirt the southern edges of the desert towards the south-east. The eastern parts of the country are generally far more arid and desert-like–although still very hilly–merging into the desert regions of Seistan and Baluchistan. In the deserts of Seistan, however, have been found traces of some of the earliest civilisations in Iran, civilisations about which very little is still known.

Culturally, the civilisation has spread over a considerably greater area than the modern boundaries of Iran itself, reflecting the fluctuations of different Iranian empires throughout history. Regions as widely separated as parts of the Balkans and the Black Sea in the west to India in the east, and the Aral Sea in the north to southern Arabia in the south have at different times been ruled by various Iranian dvnasties. More immediately, adjacent parts of Mesopotamia and Central Asia can be said to come under the cultural orbit—a ‘greater Iran’. Hence, important works of Persian architecture can be found in Iraq, Turkey, Afghanistan and Uzbekistan.

At the same time, the present boundaries of Iran incorporate minorities from all surrounding regions—indeed, the ethnic makeup of Iran is one of the most varied in Asia. The largest community in Iran, after the Persians themselves, are the Azerbaijanis to the north-west whose language is close to Turkish; another Turkish dialect is the language of the Turkmen to the notth-east as well. The hills and valleys of the Zagros to the west and south shelter a variety of other minorities: Shahsavan to the north-west, a semi-nomadic group who speak a dialect of Turkish; Kurds and Lurs to the west, two distinct, mainly sedentary groups whose languages are related to Persian; and the great nomadic nations of the south, Bakhtiari, Qashqai and Khamsa, who are of Persian, Turkish and Arab origin respectively (with considerable admixture). Arab communities are also to be found in Khuzistan to the south-west as well as along the Persian Gulf coast; in the far south-east the population is Baluch, who speak a language distantly related to Persian.

Iran has also been home to numerous religious minorities, often for thousands of years. The oldest are the Zoroastrians, examined more in Chapter 7, but there is also an ancient Jewish population dating from the time of the Persian Empire. The largest Christian community are the Armenians, who mainly arrived after the sixteenth century (although Armenians were in Iran in the Sasanian period), but there is also a small community of Assyrian Christians, descendants of the Nestorians expelled from the Bvzantine Empire. There are also Muslim minorities: the Arabs, Turkomen and Baluch are mainly Sunni, and there are several Sufi schools. Smaller religious communities are the Ahl-i Haqq in Kurdistan and the Mandaeans in Khuzistan, distinct religions that incorporate elements of Gnosticism and Manichaeism. Another distinct religion that emerged in Iran in the nineteenth century was the Baha’is, although these are not recognised by the present government and have mainly moved abroad. The idea of a world transcending political and ethnic boundaries, therefore, is inherent in the nature of the country itself and its history.” – Warwick Ball, “Towards One World: Ancient Persia and the West” Olive Branch Press, 2011, Pg. 14 – 16.

The Japanese admiral Isoroku Yamamoto famously said, “I would never invade America, there is a gun behind every blade of grass.”

This social reality, combined with America’s favourable geography, are reasons for its superpower status. Take the guns away and you take away American supremacy in world affairs. 

The Satanic globalist elites running America have attacked American gun culture and imported millions of immigrants who don’t prescribe to the same culture to weaken and ultimately destroy this key pillar in American power. Without guns “behind every blade of grass” America would cease to be America. It would morph into a new entity.

Guns and geography are what made America what it is. America was blessed in that its founders valued arms even more than the land.

Some countries are blessed with rugged geography that makes it hard for invaders to gain a foothold. Afghanistan is famous for its mountains. Iran is another. There’s a mountain at every pass. 

Foreign armies advancing in Iran have had to resort to mass killing the population of entire cities in order to usurp power, and terrify the country into submission. Over time mountains became sanctuaries and converted to military bases.

The United States cannot invade Iran like it did in Iraq and march all the way to the capital in one afternoon. Iraq, after years of war and sanctions, was in no condition to put up a fight. Attacking a wounded prey is not glorious. Every American general who participated in that slaughter should be stripped of their medals.

Iran is another story. They’re itching for a big war. Every medal in this war will be earned.

But how to invade Iran? That is the question.

Earlier this year Israel tried to persuade the Trump administration to invade Iran from Western Iraq, using the Kurds as bait and cannon fodder. 

But that plan fell flat on its face. After the Kurds in Syria were shown the door by Israel, America and the West, making way for the former Al-Qaeda terrorist to take Damascus, that card could not be played again. It was shocking that they even attempted it.

The Kurds could be used to good effect in Syria and Iraq because those are small, artificial political nation states. Using the Kurds in Iran and Turkey for regime change was always a bad idea.

Any invasion of Iran must happen through four corridors simultaneously, not just from one side with lightly armed guerillas. Those regions are Baluchistan in the South East, Azerbaijan in the North, Kurdistan in the West, and from the Persian Gulf itself. 

The recently announced Turkey-Pakistan-Saudi Arabia military alliance, all of which are American and Jewish slaves, has the potential to provide the needed troops to invade Iran. 

Under American-British-Israeli supervision these troops can serve as the shock troops. They can do the heavy lifting and the majority of the dying. 

The governments of these nations can be bribed and coaxed into invading Iran. That’s no problem. The only question is would Muslims kill a Muslim army?

As we’ve seen in Syria, Yemen, Afghanistan, and elsewhere, the answer is yes. 

The Sunnis don’t view the Shia as Muslims so they won’t have a problem. They see it as settling a score.