9 Theses on the Golden Dawn and the Postmodern Totalitarian Capitalism Galloping Ahead

greek original

 9 Theses on the Golden Dawn and the Postmodern Totalitarian Capitalism Galloping Ahead

 1. First of all, the struggle against the (totalitarian) nationalism-racism is a struggle against the (authoritarian) liberalization of the Nation, the State, the Market and the System of Justice and — by extension — against (totalitarian) capitalism.

 2. The Golden Dawn (G.D.) is part of the ultra-patriotic/nationalistic forces that will comprise the base for the reorientation of capital and capitalists toward national solutions outside the euro and the eu, should things head in that direction in the near future (already, they are talking about the Exclusive Economic Zone — EEZ —, oil and natural gas reserves, national development and so on).

 3. The G.D. combines the hegemony of the national element with totalitarian neoliberal positions, not socialist ones, as was the case with the german national-socialists.

 4. The accusations of the System regarding neonazism will quickly be dismissed, the Spectacle-laundering will make sure to eradicate the “dirty and notorious past” of the G.D. and so the group’s atonement will make it an equal partner in parliament, in the media, everywhere — as a responsible patriotic force with somewhat “extreme sensitivities” and violent rhetoric when it comes to some “hot” issues.

 5. The G.D. is one of the vehicles (whether it will comprise the main wheel of the vehicle remains to be seen in the immediate future, depending on other factors that we cannot take into consideration in advance), vehicles through which totalitarian capitalism will attempt to reconfigure society under terms that are favourable to the preservation of the System; to see it take a turn towards fascism and militarisation and, at the same time, to quell the resistance of the exploited and repressed against their external and internal enemies alike.

6. The G.D., with its anti-systemic rhetoric, its passionate commitment and its “social contribution” (which is to increase in the future — see for example the “soup kitchens exclusively for greeks” which will be paid through the funding it will receive as a parliamentary party) is necessary to the System in these times of wild transition and unrest because at this time, the other parts of neoliberal totalitarianism and biopolitical control have lost their social legitimization; they have no social basis, neither are they to acquire one any time soon since they no longer promise anything other than the empire of the lesser evil — nor can they any longer, as a result of the above, inspire mass audiences (it is no coincidence that they now become exclusively person-centred parties; it is Venizelos, not PASOK; Samaras, not New Democracy; Kammenos, not the Independent Greeks; Kouvelis, not the Democratic Left, who matter).

7. The “political party-movement” of the G.D. will stand with one foot in neoliberal rationalism (as an official parliamentary party; Kasidiaris [high ranking member of the GD, well known thug — trans.] will wear a suit and fool around with Elli Stai [established TV presenter — trans.] and Michaloliakos [the leader of the G.D. — trans.] will meaningfully to the sensitive democrat Stauros Theodorakis [established “investigative journalist” and straight up scum — trans.]. This neoliberal rationalism conceives the individual as a manager of herself, includes the values of individual competition and effectiveness, the tearing apart of workers rights, the curtailing of strikes and demonstrations, the conceptualisation of humans as surplus or consumables, nationalistic morality and national reformation, and so on). G.D. will then have the other foot (as a movement — the fans and docile axe-welding executing army of Kasidiaris and Michaloliakos) in increasing totalitarianism, mafia and violence in neighbourhoods and in the streets. In the immediate, and even more so in the mid-term future, they will attempt to construct on top and around this “party-movement” (but not exclusively such, as mentioned already) the social and — by extension — ideological-political alliances around the “fight against criminality and illegal migration”, around the management of fear, (in)security, despair, purity and cleansing [an untranslatable play of words between purity and cleansing — trans.], health and sanitation, natinal and religious identity, all centred around “the science of policing” — we should not, after all, forget that cops as individuals voted en mass for G.D. At the same time, the official state will abandon entire areas (economic and geographical ones) in the hands of the mafia, the nationalised crime networks and private security companies, with which the G.D. has direct links — and whose interests it will promote even more effectively as a parliamentary party.

 8. It is already becoming clear that the G.D. is siding with the other players of the System beyond the issue of migration (“reoccupation of cities from the illegal migrants”), to the issue of national economy and development — standing on the corpse of labour law and plundered nature — and to the issue of the attack against the supposed hegemony of the left in the post-dictatorial era. When they talk of an attack to the supposed ideological hegemony of the left, they do not of course mean against the stalinism of the KKE nor the social-democracy of SIRIZA — without this meaning they will not also take partake in this sport in the arenas of Spectacle, where they will be invited herein from sensitive liberals and democrats in the name, of course, of the freedom of thought and the self-worth of dialogue. What they mean, first and foremost, is an attack against critical thought and the tangible questioning of the dominant values of the dominant culture; an attack against the triptych “resistance-solidarity-dignity” that characterises, still, a part of the greek society and the youth in particular. The youth, who have remained sensitive, thinking, radical — even if by radical they would mean conservatively radical, i.e. in the sense of defending values and principles that hamper the charge ahead of neoliberal and modernizing utilitarianism — and have not become cynical, marketable or cannibalistic. In other words, they favour a precautionary counter-revolt; and in the long-term, a precautionary counter-revolution.

 9. Those interested in averting the above — gloomy, to be sure — developments, must swiftly stop focusing upon the neonazi ideology of the G.D. (which the ex-stabbers, currently lawful can easily duck as a reproach and with their parliamentary immunity) and to expose it (to the unemployed youth in particular) as an entirely systemic party, as the party of the police and the army, hence of the repressive pillars of the System and by extension of the deep state; as the party of the disciplining of the workers and the youth, the party of the biopolitical state and the complete subjection to the orders of capital; as the party, finally, of dehumanisation and cannibalism.

 Those screaming against capitalism suffocating them, the desperate and the damned (which will continuously swell in the years to come, while there at the same time be workers who work to death and entertain themselves until the absolute boredom, because the System shall not succumb, at least not bloodlessly, to any pressure for the curtailing of working hours with the parallel preservation of wages at the same level)… All those should not, by any cost, jump on the bandwagon of the G.D. and of totalitarian capitalism by extension; they must understand and feel that the struggle for life and dignity against the System that steals the above from us has nothing to do with its nationalist and racist servants.

They must recognise in the eyes, the brains and the hearts of the Forces of Life, the Countervailing Force, the Beginning of Hope, the organisation of intransigence and humanism, the existential potential of revolt, the passion and the ethos of [political] “militancy”, the common decency, the liveliness of intuition, the breadth of the spirit, the creativity of imagination, the quality of the scream-negation, the Passion for freedom, for de-alienation, for de-fetischising, for the restoration of the uniqueness of the individual; for the trashing of cynicism, of the lack of self-confidence and self-respect, of confinement and loneliness, for a life of true meaning and — of course — for an alternative plan for the social organisation in action.

 A passionate and furious movement must be formed that will inspire them, that will prevent their enslavement to postmodern “fascism” (in quotes, because “the coming fascism will no longer be called fascism”).

 The people in struggle and the revolutionaries must realise that people do not always act according to rational choices, that no matter how many rational arguments they adduce they will not necessarily find friendly ears. Being the children of Enlightenment that they are, they have underestimated the importance of feelings, of passions, of intuition, of existential agony and they have equated the counter-Enlightenment movements with resistance to critique and knowledge (even though many of these, such as antinomism for example, would reject the type of codified knowledge interlaced with law and were part of a counter-hegemonic popular culture and thought which would resist the hegemony of the ever-powerful elites). They openly hand out these, in this way, to the reactionaries, the politically conservatives, the misanthropes, the elitist aristocrats, the fascists. Yet doing so they also hand out people as a whole to the above. The people, who are multidimensional beings, contradictory ones – “rational” and “irrational” at the same time; full of agonies and fears.

If we do not succeed, if we do not erect “barricades” to this charge ahead, society will sooner or later begin to slide down a road with no return. It might no longer be called capitalism, [but whatever follows] will be equally, if not even more totalitarian, rotten, dehumanizing, immoral, void of spirit or soul, void of life.

Our fate is in our own hands, but not for much longer.

Let’s transform the thousands of screams of all of us, those from below.

Let’s liberate the thousands of capacities of social action.

Let a thousand devils pounce the theologists of money, of rationalism, individual competitiveness, alienation, sovereignty and hierarchy.

Let’s be worthy of the historical times in which we have happened to be.

Let’s resurrect in our memory the countless struggles of our comrades from the past.

Let’s take revenge for our ancestors holding high the flag of Hope for those who will come after us.

P.S.  — A timely variation of the 11^th thesis on Feuerbach

We do not need to interpret the “laws” of movement of the world in order to change it. It suffices to allow ourselves to feel empirically and intuitively how gloomy it is and to have a good sense of how we would want it to be.

In other words, we do not lack the knowledge nor the interpretation of the existent, but the liveliness of intuition, the breadth of the spirit, the creativity of imagination, the quality of the scream-negation.

Beyond that, or perhaps meanwhile, everything is only a matter of desiring will and decision-making.

Read more at Occupied London From the Greek Streets