Trump Admin Urges SCOTUS To Step In On Military Trans Ban

The Trump administration has asked the Supreme Court to uphold its ban on transgender troops serving in the military, appealing a lower court ruling that has, for now, blocked enforcement against service members already in uniform.

The petition targets a June decision by the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals finding the ban probably violates the constitutional rights of transgender troops already serving. The decision claimed that the ban “appears to be driven by the bare desire to harm a politically unpopular group: persons who identify as transgender.” That ruling barred the Pentagon from enforcing the policy against those specific plaintiffs while their case works through the courts. The administration maintains the policy regulates a medical condition – gender dysphoria – rather than transgender status, and therefore needs only a rational connection to military readiness to survive review.

The June ruling was 2-1 and split the baby: it blocked the Pentagon from discharging the currently serving plaintiffs while leaving the ban on new transgender recruits fully in place. Judges Robert Wilkins (an Obama appointee) and Judith Rogers (a Clinton appointee) formed the majority. Judge Justin Walker, a Trump appointee and the panel’s lone Republican nominee, dissented: “because the plaintiffs are service members not civilians, and because we are judges not generals, I respectfully dissent.” The Constitution, Walker wrote, assigns that authority to Congress and the Commander in Chief. Notably, a different D.C. Circuit motions panel had ruled the opposite way in December – letting the Pentagon enforce the ban, 2-1 – meaning the same courthouse has now gone both directions depending on which three judges drew the case. Hegseth’s response to the June loss was four words: “See you at SCOTUS.”

The administration wants the justices to take the case now, before trial – its petition calls the June ruling “gravely erroneous” – rather than let a preliminary injunction, in place in some form since March 2025, run all the way to a two-week trial set for January. That posture has become familiar this year, with the Department of War repeatedly asking the high court to let its personnel decisions stand while litigation over their legality plays out.

The Justice Department’s Supreme Court filing describes the Pentagon’s authority to decide who serves as a “matter of exceptional importance,” language that puts military judgment, not the lower courts’ read of the evidence, at the center of the case.

Shannon Minter, legal director of the National Center for LGBTQ Rights, claimed the administration “wants the Supreme Court to rush in and bless the expulsion of proven, decorated soldiers before a single court has issued a final judgment.”

The policy traces back to an executive order Trump signed shortly after taking office. It states that “adoption of a gender identity inconsistent with an individual’s sex conflicts with a soldier’s commitment to an honorable, truthful, and disciplined lifestyle.”

“We will get transgender ideology the hell out of our military. It’s going to be gone,” Trump told House Republicans the day he signed the executive order during a retreat at his Doral golf resort in Miami.

Pete Hegseth turned that order into policy in February 2025.

Hegseth’s memo reasoned that troops who experience symptoms of gender dysphoria “cannot satisfy the rigorous standards necessary for Military Service.” He has since folded the ban into a broader push to strip “woke” policy out of the armed forces.

The population at issue is small but not trivial: the Pentagon’s own estimate put roughly 4,240 troops with a gender dysphoria diagnosis among a force of about two million, and around 1,000 self-identified for voluntary separation when Hegseth’s 2025 deadline hit.

NCLR and GLAD Law filed the underlying case, Talbott v. United States, in January 2025 in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, arguing that the Department of War’s transgender policy violates the Constitution and discriminates against transgender troops.

The court has scheduled a trial for January 2027, but the Department of War wants the ban enforced against the plaintiffs before then. The justices already weighed in on this policy once before. They allowed the ban to take effect last year in a separate challenge, while that earlier litigation proceeded, a result that suggests a majority already leans toward giving the Pentagon the ability to set its own military readiness standards.

The ruling under appeal covers narrower ground – for now. It protects only the troops who brought this specific suit. But on June 30, District Judge Ana Reyes – whose original injunction called the ban “soaked with animus and dripping with pretext” – certified the case as a class action covering every transgender person serving or seeking to enlist since January 2025, a maneuver designed to route around the Supreme Court’s ruling last year curtailing nationwide injunctions. Two months later, the administration was at the high court’s door. If the plaintiffs win at the January trial, the remedy no longer stops at 29 names.

“Joe Biden allowed trans insanity to run rampant in our military,” White House spokeswoman Olivia Wales said in a statement. “President Trump restored lethality and readiness to our warfighters.” She added, “The United States military is the greatest in the world, and President Trump is keeping it that way by focusing on elite readiness standards – not DEI or woke gender ideology.”

Whether the Supreme Court agrees to hear the case will determine how long the lower courts’ preliminary read of the Constitution can override the Pentagon’s own judgment about who meets its strict standards of military readiness.