RSS and Modi’s Independence Day Speech: A Question of Nationhood

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Independence Day address this year was unlike his previous ones. For the first time in twelve speeches from the Red Fort, he chose to single out the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), describing it as the “world’s biggest NGO” and praising its “100 years of service.” What might have been intended as recognition of the organisation’s centenary quickly turned into one of the most heated political flashpoints in recent memory.

The Congress party and other Opposition leaders responded with sharp criticism, calling Modi’s glorification of the RSS a betrayal of India’s secular and constitutional values. Congress spokesperson Pawan Khera did not mince words. He demanded clarity on whether the RSS even qualifies as an NGO, pointing out that an organisation without a registration certificate or official bank accounts cannot claim such status. His critique was not just technical—it was historical. Khera accused the RSS of “spying for the British in its first 25 years, dishonouring the Tricolour and Constitution in the next 25, engaging in temple-mosque politics for another 25, and finally eroding the rights of Dalits and backward classes in the last 25 years.” For him, the RSS was not a symbol of service but of suspicion, deserving the label of “Rashtriya Sandighda Sangathan” (suspicious organisation).

Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan added weight to this critique by reminding the public of the RSS’s opposition to the freedom struggle and rejection of the Constitution. “Equating Savarkar with Gandhi is not history but a betrayal of it,” he said. Similarly, Rajya Sabha MP John Brittas condemned government advertisements that placed Savarkar’s portrait above those of Gandhi, Bose, and Bhagat Singh, arguing that this was a calculated attempt to diminish secular values and rewrite history in the image of Hindutva.

These arguments are not mere political jabs. They cut into the very foundation of how India understands its past and imagines its future. By elevating the RSS on Independence Day, Modi’s government risks sending a message that undermines the collective struggle of millions who fought under the banner of secular nationalism.

Supporters of Modi, of course, argue differently. For them, the RSS represents unmatched organisational discipline, vast social outreach, and cultural work that spans decades. From running schools and volunteer networks to providing disaster relief, the Sangh has built a presence that no other civil society group can rival. Modi himself, who rose through the ranks of the RSS before entering politics, is living testimony to the influence it wields on India’s political life.

Yet, Congress and its allies point out that this is precisely the issue: the RSS is not just a service organisation. It is an ideological movement built on the vision of Hindutva, which defines India as primarily a Hindu nation. This ideological lens, they argue, cannot be separated from the social work that the RSS proudly advertises. At its core, the RSS has often excluded religious minorities from its vision of the nation.

For the Congress, Modi’s praise of the RSS is not simply about words. It is about the creeping normalisation of an organisation that historically stood at odds with India’s pluralist and secular identity. By recognising the RSS as the “world’s biggest NGO” on a day meant to honour all freedom fighters, the Prime Minister risks erasing the sacrifices of leaders like Gandhi, Nehru, Ambedkar, and countless others who envisioned India as a home for all communities.

The Congress’s position, therefore, is not just defensive but principled: an insistence that India cannot afford to replace its constitutional foundation with the ideology of Hindutva. The fear is that glorifying the RSS on Independence Day represents one more step toward reshaping national memory—where freedom fighters are sidelined, minorities are marginalised, and a sectarian narrative takes center stage.

This controversy is more than a spat between BJP and Congress. It is a reflection of two competing visions of India. One, embodied by the RSS and endorsed by Modi, imagines India as a cultural and civilisational project rooted in Hindu values. The other, championed by the Congress and other Opposition parties, sees India as a pluralist democracy where all communities stand equal, bound together by the Constitution.

Both visions claim to represent the “soul of the nation.” But while the RSS may boast about organisational strength, its critics argue that moral legitimacy comes not from numbers, but from values. And here, the Congress insists, the RSS falls short.

Independence Day speeches are meant to unify the country, reminding citizens of their shared sacrifices and common future. Instead, this year’s address has left India more divided. Modi’s praise for the RSS has sparked a necessary conversation about history, legitimacy, and the meaning of nationalism.

Congress may not have the numbers in Parliament, but its challenge is vital: to hold the government accountable for attempts to rewrite history and redefine the nation’s identity. Whether or not one agrees with its critique, the Congress is right about one thing—India cannot afford to forget that its strength has always come from diversity, not uniformity.

At a time when the RSS prepares to celebrate its centenary, the real question is not whether it is the “world’s biggest NGO,” but whether its vision aligns with the constitutional promise of equality and secularism. That is the debate India must confront honestly, for the soul of the republic depends on it.